|
Ewa Bułat (Wrocław) |
This paper
investigates the problem of object drop, with particular attention put on
reflexive verbs in Polish. Following Rizzi (1986), null objects are
phonologically empty but syntactically active elements and receive an
“arbitrary” interpretation. However, Rizzi does not
mention reflexive verbs as those which can allow null objects or pro. This presentation is a step toward
accounting for null objects in Polish appearing after verbs taking the
reflexive się thus extending the null object theory and its licensing
schemata. The goal of this talk is to prove that we can have true object
deletion after some reflexive verbs in Polish. Moreover, I suggest that in some
of these cases the reflexive się shares certain properties with pro,
a view compatible with that of Rivero and
Sheppard (2003). I will attempt to compare and reconcile my proposal with
theirs. My discussion of the narrow class of reflexive verbs will be also
helpful in establishing further, more detailed criteria for what we can
consider to be a true null object phenomenon.
It is well
known that reflexive verbs can be analyzed in various ways, sometimes on a par
with true null object constructions, where się - just as pro -
refers to one, us or people (generic reference) or/and
implies something that qualifies as a typical object of the verb (On się
bije). In other cases się exhibits properties similar to those of
overtly realized referential expressions or anaphora and thus we cannot refer
to such instances as true object deletion constructions. Still in other cases
we deal simply with lexically reflexive verbs which do not drop the object (opiekować
się), się being just an integral and inseparable part of the verb.
Obviously, here we must extend the theory of object drop to dyadic predicates
whose internal argument is not necessarily in the accusative case. Summing up,
we can divide reflexive verbs as follows:
I reflexive verbs licensing true null
objects, which are understood as being typical of a particular verb: On się
bije; Janek pakuje się; Staś bawi się.
II lexical reflexive verbs not
allowing object deletion: *Zosia opiekuje się.
III reflexive verbs, whose reflexive has
an antecedent in the same clause or sentence and thus functions as an overtly
realized reflexive pronoun or anaphora: Marysia myje się.
I will
provide evidence for the above division. The verbs from class one correspond to
verbs participating in Levin’s (1993) Unspecified Object Alternation, since they delete the objects being
typical of them. Focusing on reflexive verbs, I will postulate a similar
alternation for Polish. My
hypothesis concerning similarities between pro and się in some of
the reflexive verbs included in this alternation may appear controversial, but
the class of verbs
considered here might help understand better the properties of null objects.
References
Levin,
B.
1993. English Verb Classes and Alternations: a Preliminary Investigation,
The University of Chicago Press.
Rivero, M.
L. and Milojević Sheppard, M. 2003. “Indefinite Reflexive Clitics in Slavic: Polish and Slovenian”, Natural
Language and Linguistic Theory 21: 89-155, Kluwer Academic Publishers,
Netherlands.
Rizzi, L. 1986. “Null Objects in Italian and
the Theory of pro”, Linguistic Inquiry 17, 501-557.