|
David Le Gac (Rouen) |
This paper
proposes a phonological model of focus and topic intonation in French
declarative and interrogative sentences.
We will assume
that the focus is defined in terms of the discourse notion of presupposition:
the focus is the nonpresupposed part of the sentence, preceded by the morpheme “c’est”
(‘c’est-cleft’ constructions 0). Thus, the sequence “c’est Valérie” is the
focus of the sentence (1b), answer to a question such as (1)a. The other
elements are the presupposed parts of the sentence and will be defined as the topics
of the sentence.
(1) |
a. |
Vendredi |
à l'école |
QUI |
l'a grondé |
Jean-Marie |
? |
|
|
|
|
who |
|
|
|
|
b. |
Vendredi |
à l'école |
c'est Valérie |
qui l'a grondé |
Jean-Marie |
|
|
Friday |
at school |
it is Valérie |
who scowled him |
Jean-Marie |
|
Following 0’s notation of intonation, sentence (1b) presents the
following intonative tones (Figure 1): the last syllable of the focus is
characterized by a LOW tone preceded by a HIGH tone (see also 000), an LH pattern is found on the pre-focal topics and
the post-focal topics are characterized by steadily declining low tones (L¯…L¯) 00.
Figure 1
In French, a
sentence like (1b) can express a Yes-No question as well: the syntactic
structure remains unchanged, and the modality is only conveyed by the
intonation. In this case, we observe the INVERTED tone sequences of declarative
utterances (Figure 2): the sequence “c’est Valérie” is now characterized
by a final HIGH tone preceded by a LOW one, the pre-focal topics are
marked by LOW tones, and declining HIGH tones appear on the post-focal topics
(H¯…H¯).
Figure 2
In order to
account for the intonation of both declarative and interrogative sentences, we
will argue for a hierarchical intonative structure with three intonative units
(cf. figure 3): the intonative word (IW), the intonative phrase
(IP) and the intonative sentence (IS). We will also claim that the IP
containing the focus is the HEAD of the intonative structure (IP*).
Following 0’s general framework, we assume that the intonative
units are associated with tones. However, the tones associated with IWs and IPs
are not specified in this level of representation. Only the tone associated
with the IS is specified according to the modality of the sentence: a low tone
in declarative sentences and a high tone in Yes-No questions (figure 4).
As the head of the sentence, the focus attracts the IS-tone which links to the
final syllable of the focus. Furthermore, we claim that the focus governs the
realization of ALL the tones associated with the IPs according to two oriented
rules (figure 3): the first rule applies from right to left and
implies TONE INVERSION, the second rule applies from left to right and
implies a process of TONE COPY and LOWERING.
Thus, the IS
LOW tone linked to the focus in declarative sentences generates the HIGH tones
of the pre-focal and focal IPs. Conversely, the IS HIGH tone in Yes-No
questions generates LOW tones on the pre-focal and focal IPs. Following the
second rule, the IS low or high tone is iteratively copied and lowered from the
left adjacent focus to the post-focal topics.
Finally, to
account for the surface tonal string as a whole, we will show that tone
inversion rule not only applies between the focus and the topics but also
within IPs and generates secondary high or low tones.
Figure 3
Figure 4
Bibliography
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Cristo A. (1999), "Le cadre accentuel du français contemporain :
essai de modélisation : deuxième partie" in Langues vol.2 n° 4 pp.258-267
{2} Lambrecht K. (1994), Information
structure and sentence form : Topique, focus and the mental representations of
discourse referents, Cambridge Studies in Linguistics 71, Cambridge
University Press
{3} Martin
P. (1981), "Pour une théorie de l'intonation" in Rossi et al. L'intonation, de l'acoustique à la sémantique, Paris, Klincksieck
{4} Pierrehumbert J. & M. Beckman (1988), Japanese
Tone Structure, Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press
{5} Rossi
M. (1999), L’intonation, le
système du français : description et modélisation, Paris,
Ophrys